I was in Beijing with some of the leaders of Kampuchea when the news came of the liberation of Phnom Penh and the surrender of the rest of the puppet regime - news that inspired me with visions of a new future for the Kampuchean people. My interest in writing this report comes from the integration of the Palestinian struggle with that of Kampuchea-our two peoples have been in relentless struggle against puppet regimes and the same imperialist backers. It is also the result of the constant solidarity and moral support that the Palestinian and Kampuchean revolutionaries have given each other during times of war. This militant integration continues to strengthen. As a result, I had the opportunity to visit Democratic Kampuchea in February 1976 at the invitation of the Kampuchean government. The visit left me with very deep, unique and unforgettable impressions, gathered in two successive weeks among the workers and peasants - and the wreckage, battlefields and bomb craters. These impressions are my strong motive for writing the following pages.
In this preface, I would like to say that my account is limited to the struggle of the Kampuchean people within the borders of Kampuchea. But this does not mean that the Kampuchean revolution is separate from the world revolution. Its specific experiences, sufferings and the consequences of its victorious revolutionary line are directly related to the struggle against imperialism, racism and racist Zionism.
My reader will not find any excerpts from recorded references, quotations from history books and files of international conferences. Here I have given real facts that I saw among the people, their land and their activities in the ten months after the liberation. All my references are facts and feelings that I gained from conversations with cadres of the revolutionary organization and with peasants, workers and soldiers.
Although I am proud that my modest report is one of the first to be written for the outside world from within the Kampuchean country itself, from my own eyewitness experience in a number of provinces where the liberated people are rebuilding their country, I do not presume to cover the full breadth and significance of the Kampuchean cause, for the country is still at the beginning of its march. But Democratic Kampuchea is guided by a firm and clear political line. With the tremendous efforts I have seen, it will certainly develop and become an example among the Third World family and the sister Non-Aligned Countries.
I am sure that the rapid developments in Kampuchea will soon outstrip this report many times over. A glorious future lies ahead for Kampuchea.
I hope my readers will forgive me for any shortcomings in this report, and I would like to remind them again that my writing is based only on information concerning the first ten months after the liberation of Kampuchea.
Historical Background
I first landed at Phnom Penh airport, near the modern capital on the west bank of the Mekong River. I visited other cities and towns in modern Kampuchea that were as developed as Phnom Penh. But ancient Angkor, 6 kilometers west of Siem Reap, reflects the ancient civilization that once existed in Kampuchea. Here, strong fortresses, pagodas, engraved drawings and the five systematic pagodas date back to the Angkor empire of the 9-13th century. These monuments are cherished by the Kampuchean people. From 1970 until liberation in 1975, they fought from them to defend the honor of their ancestors, despite the fact that Angkor was the target of intense bombing. I could see the effects of napalm on the road leading west from Angkor Wat. Despite the concentrated attack, however, the flags of the revolution continued to fly over these fortresses, defying American bombs and the guns of their lackeys.It is a bitter fact that the true history of Kampuchea has never been written - because no Kampuchean has ever written about his country's past. All available material has been written by French, English and Vietnamese scholars who wrote at their own discretion and according to their own background and analysis - so their works cannot be considered reliable. The government of Democratic Kampuchea and its revolutionary organization, however, are preparing for the task of writing the country's history. I have been impressed by the tremendous amount of research that has already been done and the wonderful results that have already been achieved. Much work is being done to collect the stories of the villagers. Good information is emerging from documents found in Buddhist temples and other old and detailed documents dating back to the seventh century.
The Kampuchean-Thai borders were demarcated by agreements between France and Thailand between 1904 and 1907. To the east and south, Vietnam recognized the current borders of Kampuchea. The Kampuchean people have a sentimental attachment to the territories and islands annexed to Vietnam by France as part of their homeland. However, the democratic state of Kampuchea had declared that it had no intention of expanding its present territory and that its policy did not involve any regional ambitions. On the contrary, Kampuchea has the sincere intention of living within its present borders. Since the ancestors of the Kampuchean people secured what is now in the hands of their descendants, they are determined to preserve and defend it at all costs.
I had the rare and precious opportunity to see these historic sites with the remnants of war, sunken ships in the river, and traces of fierce battles still visible on the banks despite the growth of farms along the river. I was fortunate to be in the company of Comrade Ieng Sary and other cadres who traveled by boat from Phnom Penh to Neak Luong and then by car along Highway No. 1 and Highway No. 15 to Panam. Here they answered my questions, pointing out the remnants of war and the losses the farmers and soldiers were still suffering as they plowed the land around the former enemy military bases and positions, which had been littered with plastic mines on the eve of their collapse. I will never forget the serious but smiling face of a cadre in military uniform who stood between a new farm and an old airstrip at Neak Luong to tell about the farm and how they had dealt with and related the incidents that had happened in the area during the war. As we drove back along Highway No. 1, we could see the signs of the war's destruction - burned vehicles, collapsed houses, dry trees cut down by bombs. But there were also signs of new life - neat, precise rows of houses for new and old farmers. We enjoyed seeing the collective work of young men and women so enthusiastically devoted to the land. They were in groups plowing, digging canals, irrigating the land in many different ways, more often with waterwheels. Others gathered under the thick trees for regular discussions and lessons about their new life. Wherever you go in the countryside, you see the vibrant life and activities of the liberated masses.
During the war, many people did not understand the reasons for the struggle. After the nationalization of trade in the liberated areas in 1972, there was still black-marketing. To counter this, the revolutionary organization established cooperatives in the countryside and abolished the currency. With the help of these cooperatives, massive shelters for the evacuees from the cities were prepared without much complication before the liberation. During the war, and especially after the end of March 1975, when the revolution achieved its final victory, the cooperatives conducted continuous ideological education to prepare the peasantry in the early liberated areas to receive evacuees from the cities to be liberated, such as Phnom Penh.
I would like to point out that the present cooperative system in Kampuchea is not a new and sudden creation. All that happened after the complete liberation of the country was that the newly liberated areas followed the example of the previously liberated areas. Some in the Western press have tried to give the impression that the people of Phnom Penh have been taken to unknown experimental fields. In reality, however, they were simply joining their compatriots who, through hard work and struggle, had built for them a new and mature social community in the countryside.
By the end of 1975 and the beginning of 1976, the government of Kampuchea was also able to provide food for every citizen and had a surplus of rice. In February 1976, the government offered 50,000 tons of rice for export and sale. Roads and railways linking most provinces were repaired. As a result of the successful harvest in October, the confidence of both the old and new farmers grew, as did the enthusiasm to increase production and the hope of increasing the yield per hectare to over three tons in the next harvest.
Many citizens began to return home after liberation. But life in the new Kampuchea has changed radically, especially in the areas of social organization and administration. The government welcomes people to return to their country where they want to live and work as other citizens. It is well aware that those who committed crimes during the Lon Nol regime are opposed to social change and have fled in fear of the revolution. There is a group of officers who were sent by Lon Nol to the United States for training. They now want to return home. Their wish has been granted. During my trip from Beijing to Phnom Penh, I noticed that most of the passengers were Kampucheans returning from France. They were all excited and crowded around the windows of the plane to see the Mekong River.
The State of Democratic Kampuchea
The liberation marks the beginning of a glorious new stage in the history of the Kampuchean people, and the newly born revolutionary regime is called "Democratic Kampuchea". Commenting on the exclusion of the word "republic" at this stage, Prince Sihanouk said, "Lon Nol tried to deceive the people of Kampuchea when he said that he would establish a republican system for them through his coup, a coup planned by the Americans for their own interests. So the people hate to hear the word "republic" because it is attached to Lon Nol's name. The people cannot accept this word and their hatred may last for a long time, perhaps twenty years, although our state system is actually republican. Regarding the name "Khmer" that appeared in Lon Nol's "Khmer Republic," Sihanouk said, "The 'Khmer' refers to a nationality in Kampuchea like the 'Hans' in China. Since there are other nationalities that make up the nation of Kampuchea, 'Khmer' is no longer used in the name of our country.The theory and the ruling party
Those interested in the affairs of Kampuchea have repeatedly asked its leaders about the identity of the new regime. Is it communist? Is it socialist? Is it a ruling party that adheres to a particular theory? Before sharing my personal impressions, I will quote the words of some of Kampuchea's leaders who answered these questions:Ieng Sary said, "We did not act under the guidance of certain theories, but followed our feelings and carried out the struggle in a practical way. We have gone through different forms of struggle under different circumstances. What is important is the determination and faith of principled revolutionaries in their cause. We did not study in ideological schools, but practiced the struggle in the light of the concrete situation of our country and people.
We saw that the people were very poor and miserable. We did not believe that poverty and misery came from heaven. Our people worked hard and were not lazy, but why were they poor? We found that the reason was foreign exploitation. The facts of history confirmed this. In 1940 the French sent a large number of troops to our country and exploited our people in the most ruthless way. In 1945 the Japanese invaders came and deprived the country of its sovereignty for months. These imperialist invasions brought many foreign exploiters to our country. Our understanding of the reasons for the misery of the Kampuchean people motivated us to struggle.
Our goal was to abolish all forms of exploitation of man by man in Kampuchea. In the past, trade was in the hands of foreigners. The peasants worked and sweated throughout the year but remained poor while another class enjoyed the fruits of their production. The capitalists corrupted the administrative officials with bribes and used another part of their capital to make projects and investments that benefited the foreigners. As a result, the entire burden fell on the poor peasants. As for the bourgeoisie, its vacillating character added to the peasants' suffering.
We deal with things in the light of the situation in our country. We do not care what we are called abroad. Kampuchea's policy remains within the framework of the Constitution of Democratic Kampuchea. We respect all friends, but we do not follow any of them. We do not import foreign ways of thinking and working, nor do we imitate others.
Prince Norodon Sihanouk once said in the presence of other important Kampuchean leaders, "Some countries, especially the Europeans, like to call our state communist. I don't know what kind of communism they are talking about because there are many kinds of communist parties and socialist parties like those in France, Italy, etc. We are Kampucheans, and the leaders of Kampuchea did not attend the Communist Conference (he is referring to the Soviet Communist Party Conference)".
A high-ranking cadre said, "We sacrificed thousands of martyrs to liberate our country and build our modern independence. We don't follow or imitate others, but try to build the poor peasants' rule over the countryside in accordance with our reality".
If we look at these quotations in their entirety, review the history of the Kampuchean people and carefully observe the reality of the present, we can see a vanguard organization of very high quality that has gained its rich experience through prolonged, determined revolutionary struggle. This organization has a clear vision, a firm stand and the ability to formulate a policy that guides the different stages of the revolution and to take urgent measures as the development of the struggle requires. This organization is so conscious, vigilant and experienced that it was able to take the initiative in the face of the American-backed coup without the slightest hesitation. It was able to mobilize the masses and form the united national front with the revolutionary organization as the backbone to lead the entire nation to unity and victory.
The Dictatorship of the Proletariat
This is the cabinet with the prime minister and ministers elected by the congress. All members of the Cabinet work with the people in the countryside and in the production centers. The Cabinet practices a revolutionary style of work. The ministers work with only a small amount of bureaucracy, which cannot be avoided in any other country. The Cabinet does not keep large files, nor does it issue orders or instructions through written documents. Routine, periodic cabinet meetings are unnecessary. When important matters need to be discussed, the Cabinet meets briefly and makes decisions in accordance with the principles of the general line. After the meeting, the cabinet members rush back to their work areas to implement the decisions that guide their functions. Thus, they are both markers and executors of government policy. This enables them to avoid misinterpretation of the policies or decisions by the basic administrative organs and the masses. It brings the leading structure closer to the masses. They formulate policies on the basis of realities and possibilities and implement them on time with good results.When I visited the country, I saw the ministers implementing the decisions of the Cabinet while working with the masses in production. Ieng Sary, the foreign minister, was left in the capital to handle foreign affairs with the help of five other cadres. He must also organize the workers in the city's factories. He is also responsible for security in the city.
The radio and television service plays a very important role in informing the masses of the essential meaning of the general political line, which guides specific policies for solving concrete problems in various fields of work, especially in the field of production, so that the potentialities of the masses as productive forces for the reconstruction of the country can be fully utilized.
The cooperative system
Cooperatives were established in the liberated rural areas during the war of liberation and gained their first experience in solving economic, social and production problems. After liberation, the whole nation joined the cooperatives. The cooperatives are democratic administrative units that constitute the new Kampuchean society. They deal with social affairs, popular propaganda, education, culture, politics and production. Their system is different from the people's committee in Democratic Korea and the administrative committee in the Chinese people's communes. The Kampuchean leaders pointed out that they were not imitating foreign countries and that their new way of life was the result of their own experience in struggle and a correct analysis of the subjective conditions of their country.The cooperative, which covers an area the size of three to four villages, is the basic unit of the country's administrative structure. Its functions are: to organize agricultural and handicraft production, to organize transportation, to organize local trade with other cooperatives and with the state according to the system of exchange of goods (money is not used), to take care of social welfare and cultural, political education, to exercise administrative authority.
Other functions emphasize the role of the cooperative as a basic social unit - almost a miniature of Democratic Kampuchea.
Commerce
- Internal exchange of goods. To meet the needs of cooperatives for goods available in other cooperatives, the "exchange system" among cooperatives is used. The other phase of internal trade is the exchange of goods between the State and the cooperatives. For commodities that the cooperatives cannot obtain through exchange among themselves, the cooperatives exchange their surplus production with the government. In both cases, no currency is involved.
- Foreign trade. It is the state that bears full and direct responsibility for foreign trade. The material income from state property and what it receives from the cooperatives through the above-mentioned exchange are the sources that supply Kampuchea's foreign trade. Of the total production under the government's disposal, a percentage is reserved for emergencies such as natural disasters. The remainder is exported in exchange for much-needed goods and to acquire foreign hard currency, which is also vital for the newly developing state. Kampuchea's main exports are rice, rubber, timber, fish, wine, and cigarettes. The country's needs are technology and oil. While anxious to improve the living conditions of its people, Kampuchea never relaxes its efforts to eliminate the vestiges of the old economic system. The state is doing its utmost to achieve self-sufficiency in various aspects of the economy. Imports will be very limited and nothing will be allowed to interfere with the principle of self-sufficiency.
The social conditions
As I have said, the cooperative is a basic social unit that takes care of education, production, security, health and welfare. It includes all the classes left over from the old society and tries to melt the differences between them by means of indistinguishable working and living conditions. They work together as a newly created human community.Signs of contradictions and class struggle seem to have disappeared before the complete mass mobilization in the struggle against nature for food production and the intensive political education that is the whole of the new life.
Laws controlling marriage and birth are unnecessary. Instead, the government encourages young adults to marry in order to increase a population of only 7 million, while the country's capacity, according to economic estimates, can be 15 million. Polygamy and polyandry, once common in the country, are now outlawed. The family is considered a respected cell in the new Kampuchea society. The bourgeois habits of the old society, which spoiled family relations and interrupted marriage, are absolutely forbidden. Marriage is encouraged, but corrupt sexual relations are forbidden.
There is no unemployment in the country, supported by a constitution that emphasizes that no civilian in Kampuchea should be unemployed. Even old people and disabled soldiers are employed in suitable jobs, for none of them wants to be dependent on others and live an easy life. The Buddhist monks, who used to live in temples as a special community, have given up their privileges and now mingle with the working masses in the countryside. They enjoy manual productive labor and the new collective life of cooperatives, transforming themselves from a consuming class into a productive social force.
The New Peasants
The "new peasants," a term often used in the discussions of the cadres of Kampuchea, refers to all the former urban dwellers who evacuated the cities and joined the peasants in the cooperatives. They were civil servants, merchants, religious people, intellectuals and poor city dwellers. All of them now work in agriculture or handicrafts and live in newly built houses just like the old farmers. Because of the same Kampuchean smile on their faces and the black shirts these "new farmers" wear, visitors cannot distinguish them from ordinary villagers. It is natural for some of these new farmers to grumble, especially former businessmen, exploiters, and other privileged figures from the past. But the government can deal with this through ideological education and mass involvement in production to raise the standard of living rapidly. I saw many large groups under red banners receiving education under trees. The owners of large buildings and mansions in the cities are told that they can go back to where they lived in the past, but in this case they will not have rice until they die of hunger.The Repopulation of the Cities
The cities are almost uninhabited while active steps are taken to rebuild destroyed factories and build new ones. All agricultural crafts and other small industries will be permanently relocated to the countryside. Medium and heavy industries will be mostly confined to the suburbs of the cities to take advantage of the old factories and transportation facilities, especially river and sea transportation. I have noticed that all the factories rebuilt in the outskirts of Phnom Penh are very close to the Mekong River.Given these facts, we can conclude that the city's population will be mainly workers concentrated in the suburbs around the factories, where housing is also available. It has been said that the repopulation of the cities in the future will be controlled according to the number of workers needed. Those selected will be required to have a high level of political consciousness and revolutionary morality.
Officials told me that the coming population for Phnom Penh will be limited to the following categories: Workers engaged in production in factories on the outskirts of the city.
Persons engaged in civil and public services necessary for the residence of the government, workers and foreign diplomats.
Diplomatic missions, now being accepted into the country very slowly.
Other cities, where houses still exist and where new houses will be built, will contain only the first two categories. This policy will eliminate the differences in people's living conditions and guarantee a prosperous life in the countryside. Housing facilities will be almost the same in both rural and urban areas throughout Kampuchea.
Palestine Liberation Organisation representative Hamad Abdul Aziz al Aiya, 1976